THE
MYSTERY THAT IS FISHBOURNE ROMAN PALACE
Fishbourne Roman Palace can still speak to us about a
vanished age, but in hushed tones only. These tantalising murmurings lurk in
numerous places in its museum where painted wall-plaster, samian pottery and a
reconstructed palace room help to smother us with its opulence. This is
compounded by the floors of mosaics within its North Wing. More silent voices
dwell within the excavation reports of the 1960s and within the writings of
historians of antiquity. More modern authors of history also have a voice of
opinion. It is from within all of these sources, of past and present, which I
will delve into to seek out possible answers to the most popular questions that
have been asked of myself during my time of engagement with visitors to the
palace. The questions are numerous and many and include – Who lived at the
palace? Why was it built at this location? When was it constructed? And why was
it apparently abandoned? To be able to come to any conclusion to these
questions, we have to take a backward glance through a window of history and
view the developing change of culture and politics, born on the wind through
the assent of Rome.
Roman Room |
Roman Room |
Painted wall-plaster |
Painted wall plaster |
Samian pottery |
THE PEOPLE
The populous of Britannia were in close contact with
continental Europe for many hundreds of years by using the avenues of trade and
trade routes. Britannia had much to export, grain, cattle, hunting dogs, hides,
slaves and minerals – including gold, silver and iron. In all probability it
was a relatively peaceful Island with the peace of the land occasionally
disturbed by conflict between certain tribes, as their population grew, and as
a consequence, good farming land became a premium.
The tribes of central and southern England (B Cunliffe-the Regni) |
The Roman world was also expanding, as was their consumer
society and the need for raw materials and man-power increased. These economic
reasons were interlocked with a complex political situation, all which seemed
to fall upon the shoulders of Julius Caesar. In 58 BC, Julius Caesar felt the
need to bring the vast expanse of Gaul (France) as far north as the River Rhine
under Roman control. Later, Caesar, believing that the Gauls were receiving
military assistance from Britain, made arrangements for an assault, consisting
of two Legions with supporting cavalry, in 55BC on Britain. Caesar tells us in his
‘Commentarii de Bello Gallico’ (commentaries on the Gallic war) that the
cavalry failed to cross the Channel due to an adverse tide and weather
conditions. It was during Caesar’s two assaults on Britain (55-54 BC) that the
first signs of the footprints of Roman foreign policy in Britain were detected.
In all probability Caesar made a determined effort in the south east of England
(and later to the north east) to establish dynasties that would be loyal to
Rome. Caesar would have offered gifts and gold subsidies to potential allies in
exchange for ‘hostages’. These hostages would have been young men from the
ruling royal elite, escorted to Rome and educated in all things Roman. This
would have been a learning curve of Roman culture, including Roman foreign
policy and how to organise Roman administration. No doubt these young men would
have become fluent in Latin. By the time of the arrival of the Roman Emperor
Claudius’ legions, in 43 AD, the education of ‘hostages’ had been ongoing for
nearly 100 years. Prior to the Claudian invasion, it seems that political
unrest and civil discord had focused one of the tribal elite of the Atrebates,
by the name of Verica (Berikos), to flee to Rome for assistance. This
situation, then, plus Claudius’s political aspirations and the need to harness
Britain’s natural resources, of grain and minerals for the ever expanding Roman
Empire, were the three main reasons for the appearance of the Roman Legions
under the command of Aulus Plautius upon the shores of Britain. I can only
imagine that the shivering of the
soldiers was impacted with apprehension and fear, as they waded ashore through
icy cold water, passing from the then known world into one that was only known
through rumours, hearsay and supposition.
The classical historians of this period of the distant past,
seem only to offer us thoughts and explanations which are shrouded in a veil of
ambiguity. Perhaps it is worth a paragraph or two reviewing the political
atmosphere and aspirations of the neighbouring tribes which encased the territory
of Verica’s Atrebates tribe about the year 40 AD. It seems that there was a
period of insecurity as dynasties changed following the death of powerful
rulers. The tribal lands of Verica became under threat from military
expeditions from the sons of Cunobelin (King of the Catuvellauni), Caratacus
and Togidubnus. Cunobelin was in poor health around 40 AD and, perhaps, had
died by 42 AD. History tells us that the Catuvellauni had been hostile towards
the Trinovantes tribe and Cunobelin possibly ruled the joint
Catuvellaunian/Trinovantian kingdom from Camulodunam (Colchester). The
Catuvellauni were the most prominent tribe in the south of Britain and were leaders
of the opposition against the Roman invasion. Therefore, this tribe had to be
defeated and subdued before the region could be secured. Consequently
Camulodunam was taken and subjugated under the command of the Roman Governor, Aulus
Plautius. It seems that the Catuvellauni, at this period of time, were also in
control of the Cantii/Cantiaci tribe whose territory occupied the south east
corner of Britain which included Kent, Eastern Surrey, East Sussex and London,
south of the Thames. They were bordered across the Thames by the Catuvellauni/Trinovantes
tribes. The Cantii were defeated at the battle of the Medway, when the Romans
used their Batavi mounted troops to cross the River Medway, and surprised the
Britons. These mounted troops were again used when the Romans were confronted
by the River Thames. It could well be that Adminius, a son of Canobelin, was
forced to flee the country due to his pro-Roman tendencies (when administering
the Cantii tribe on his father’s behalf) but was installed as governor as
repayment for his loyalty to Rome after the Cantii were subdued. As for the
Trinovantes tribe, they seem to have lost their independence to the
Catuvellauni around 9 AD, their territory was north of the Thames Estuary (the
area around pre-Roman London) to the east coast of England and northwards into
lower Suffolk. To their west were the lands of the Catuvellauni. In north
western Suffolk and eastern Cambridgeshire were the lands of the Iceni tribe.
They seemed to welcome the Romans, probably due to the destruction of their
over-powerful neighbours, the Catuvellauni, although it seems that some
factions within the Iceni were disillusioned with Rome’s confirmation of
Anterdios as the sole ruler of the Iceni. It could well be that the
Catuvellauni were trying to move the south of Britain towards the development
of a single kingdom. In all probability, the Catuvellauni were causing
disruption within the Dobunni tribe. The Dobunni lands lay to the west of the
aggressive Catuvellaunis and it seems, that by 43 AD, the tribe had divided
into two. In the north east, from the southern side of the Stroud valley to
north eastern Gloucestershire, Romanised coinage were recognised, but in Avon
and southern Gloucestershire the coins were of a native type. With the defeat
of the Catuvellauni by the marauding Roman legions, it seems that the Dubonni
surrendered themselves and consequently became a Roman ‘client’ tribe.
If we delve into the past of the Atrebates, Belgae and Regni
tribes, a more settled and perhaps an interlocking relationship can be possibly
recognised as a large, integrated society, bounded together by beneficial
trading with Europe and the Mediterranean through civilised contact with Rome.
The location of these tribes, along the southern shores of England, would have
offered up financial control of both imports and exports. To gain control of
these tribes would have been essential for the expansion policies of the
aggressive Catuvellauni tribe. The lands of the Regni tribe occupied east
Sussex, south west Kent and, perhaps, included some of eastern Surrey. The
Atrebates occupied the lands of Berkshire, Hampshire, parts of western Sussex,
western Surrey and, perhaps, even into north east Wiltshire. As for the Belgae
tribe, their lands seemed to incorporate modern Hampshire and parts of Avon/Somerset.
If we continue south west, we move into the lands of the
Durotriges tribe, their lands incorporated southern Somerset and southern
Wiltshire. They were bordered by the Belgae to the east and to the west by the
Dumnonii tribe. Historians suggest that the peoples of the Durotriges consisted
of numerous independent factions, who eventually were subjugated by Vespasian
and his 2nd Augusta Legion. The Dumnonii tribe could be found in
Devon and Cornwall. These lands were important for the Romans as they contained
valuable tin resources.
Casting an analytical eye upon the above paragraphs, it
would be prudent to suggest that the most secure and safe region, at the time
of the 43AD invasion, was the southern coast. It was upon these shores I
believe that the shadowy figure of Togidubnus (Cogidubnus), who has stalked his
way through nearly 2000 years of history, would have been welcomed. He could
possibly have been escorted by the aging Verica. Later historians seem to have
accepted that the name of Cogidubnus was, perhaps, an error of translation and
copying of manuscripts and that the letter ’C’ should have read as a ‘T’.
Therefore for the remainder of this article the name ‘Togidubnus’ will be used.
More of this translation error can be read in ‘The Minor Works of Tacitus’, a
study in textual criticism by Charles E Murgia.
THE DEVELOPING POLITICAL SITUATION
The future British king, Togidubnus, perhaps the son-in-law
of Verica and, no doubt of royal birth, was chosen by Rome for possibly two
reasons. He would have been accepted by the local tribe’s ruling elite and,
therefore, would not have been classed as a usurper. His education would have
been streamlined on how to relate Romanisation and the process of Roman
administration to the tribal elite of the Atrebates, the Belgae and the Regni. On
a personal level, he would have been used to accommodation of some quality and
comfort. I feel that he would not have arrived upon our British shores until
the Fishbourne area was deemed secure. Perhaps then, Togidubnus would have been
accompanied by the aging Verica sometime close to after AD 43.
To the east of Fishbourne Roman Palace, excavations have
revealed a series of timber buildings. No doubt some of these were related to
the Roman Legions in AD 43, as a supply/admin base. One of the timber buildings
had 6-7 rooms and revealed itself as a building of significance. Three/four of
this building’s rooms may have been plastered white, with a white chalky mortar
and painted red and white. It seems also to have contained a verandah and
perhaps a colonnade of brick and stucco. Luxury indeed! – compared to the local
living accommodation. I feel, close by, there would also have been
accommodation for slaves to help and attend to this Royal Ambassador’s everyday
needs. The annals of history are relatively quiet about Togidubnus and,
consequently, he becomes rather phantom figure. His first names, Tiberius
Claudius, are taken in honour of his patron the Emperor Claudius, although the
name Togidubnus is of British origin. The Roman historian, Tacitus, tells us
that ‘certain states were presented to King Togidubnus, who maintained his
unswerving loyalty right up to our own memory.’ (Tacitus, Agricola, 14). Could
this statement be interpreted that Togidubnus was already in England at the
time of the invasion?
If we flick through the pages of the history of Roman Britain,
after 43 AD, and stop to view the period from around 60 – 80 AD, two major
developments seem to engage thoughts and , consequently, stimulate interesting
debate. After the Boudican uprising was extinguished by the Roman Governor
Suetonius, the Roman Emperor Nero, perhaps somewhat traumatised by the violence
and the near-loss of Britain as a province of the Roman Empire, decided on a
policy of appeasement with a conciliatory approach towards the local tribes who
were engaged in the rebellion. Consequently Gaius Suetonius Paulinus Governor
of Britain since 58 AD, with no doubt his emotions still raw at the carnage of
death and destruction caused by Boudica’s warriors, was withdrawn back to Rome.
He was replaced by Publius Petronius Turpilianus (Governor of Britain from
62-63 AD). Nero’s commands of appeasement, which included enhancing Roman
culture in England, diplomacy and the encouragement of trade towards the tribes
of Britannia, were consolidated with the appointment of Marcus Trebellius
Maximus as Governor of England from 63-69 AD. Maximus pursued minimal martial
activity, consequently, in 67 AD, the province seemed secure enough for the
Legio XIV Gemina to withdraw from Britain and be deployed elsewhere, possibly
in southern France. Maximus re-established Colchester (Camulodunm) but because
of its vulnerability due to its geographical position, London (Londinium) was
to become the new capital of England.
Due to Nero’s death in 68 AD, civil war violently erupted in
Italy and, in the time span of one year, Rome embraces four emperors, (Galba,
Otho, Aulus Vitellius Germanicus and Caesar Vespasianus Augustus). It was
during this period of unrest that Maximus, Governor of Britain, was forced to
flee for his life from Britain. Perhaps the Legions were unsettled by the
unrest in Rome and their lack of military activity, compounded by their lack of
bounty and possibly their low wages. Consequently Maxixmus, not being of a
military background, seemed to have lost the Legions respect. It has been
suggested that during his flight one of his stop-overs could have been
Chedworth Roman Villa. This suggestion is offered up due to the discovery of a
military intaglio found during the excavations of the villa.
Aulus Vitellius Germanicus, Roman Emperor from April – December
69 AD, replaced Maximus with Marcus Vettius Bolanus as Governor of Britain.
When Vespasian was recognised by the Senate as the new Roman Emperor in
December 69 AD, he allowed Bolanus to stay in office until 71 AD, when he was
replaced by Quintus Petillius Cerialis. Also, Gnaeus Julius Agricola replaced
Marcus Roscius Coeclius as commander of the Legio XX Valeria Victrix stationed
in Britain. It seems then that Vespasian had made the decision that Britain was
to remain an important province of the Roman Empire. Agricola’s command ended
in 73 AD, but he returned as Consul and Governor of Britain in 77 AD and
completed Vespasian’s expansive policies with the conquest of Wales and
northern England. Agricola was eventually recalled to Rome in 87 AD by the Roman
Emperor Domitian, a son of Vespasian. All this conquest was only possible as
southern England had responded favourably to the foresight of the policies of
Nero and, consequently, the Roman generals were never threatened by military
unrest to their rear.
As the glowing embers of the Boudican rebellion began to
fade, it becomes obvious from the above paragraphs that Nero was taking a
‘gently, gently’ approach towards the tribal elite of the defeated tribes and
slowly, but carefully, encouraging them to recognise that prosperity is the
bed-fellow of continuing peace. If we now turn our attention, during this same
period of time, to the tribes of central and southern England, and especially
at Fishbourne, Nero’s fingerprints of encouraging the benefits of embracing
Roman culture are perhaps more firmly recognised.
At Fishbourne, after seven winters of excavations during the
1960’s, the remains of a masonry building, christened with the name ‘Proto-Palace’,
was released from its internment. Archaeology dates the structure of this
building as being laid down between 60 and 70 AD. The Proto-Palace can be
divided into four parts, to the north there is a courtyard surrounded by verandas,
to the south there is a bath suite and along the east side of both is a range
of rooms flanked by corridors. It is possible that there was another range of
rooms to the south west. All was built on virgin ground. Its total area covered
2300 square metres/25000 square feet in area. Also revealed by archaeologists,
during those seven winters, as their inquisitive trowels picked their way
through many tons of earth, were the imprints of a posse of Mediterranean
artisans. The craftsmanship of masons and sculptors were recognised with the
discovery of parts of Corinthian columns which were composed of oolithic
limestone, with capitals on fluted stuccoed shafts. Also detected were the
fingerprints of mosaisists with the finding of small parts of black and white
mosaics and opus sectile flooring. The handiwork of marble workers and stucco
craftsmen were also recognised. Numerous pieces of painted wall-plaster, which
embraced the talents of the painters, showed the enormous variety and skill of
their work. Foliage and floral designs and panels, decorated in many colours,
including red, blue, green, white and various shades of pink, were excavated.
Other designs were painted in blue/black, yellow and red. These bold clear
colours were outlined with a white frame. The construction of this whole
building would have needed the considerable experience of a Mediterranean
architect.
Could it be then that this sophisticated, elegant and
architecturally unique home, for this period in time, was a gift of gratitude
to Togidubnus from the Roman Emperor Nero for keeping his tribesmen from any
detrimental involvement with the Boudican uprising?. Through the acceptance of
this gift from Nero, Togidubnus becomes an ambassador of Roman culture and,
consequently, his tribal elite and wealthy entrepreneurs commission the
building of their own ‘villas’ along the coast of Sussex and Hampshire. Villas
have been recognised through archaeological excavations at Angmering,
Pulborough and Southwick. Although the other alternative is that Togidubnus’
loyalty to Rome was not tested, as his lands were never threatened by the
Boudican uprising, as they were geographically too far to the south west.
Therefore, Togidubnus, with his increasing financial prosperity, may have
commissioned construction of the Proto-Palace himself.
After the death of Nero in 68 AD Vespasian, the first
Emperor of the Flavian dynasty, continues the policy of encouraging Roman culture
and the acceptance, and therefore the benefits, of Roman administration to the conquered
tribes of this imperial province. This policy reached its pinnacle when civitas
(city/town council) were established in each tribal capital. Certain council
members were held directly responsible to the provincial governor for the
efficient administration for the region. It seems that the tribal elite were
the ones commissioned into these administrative positions. Tribal capitals were
established within the conquered tribes, one in each of the tribal regions.
Seventeen of these tribal capitals had their tribal name incorporated into the
name of the city. For example, the Atrebates tribal civitas (now Silchester)
was Calleva Atrebatum and the Dubunni tribal civitas (now Cirencester) was
named Corinium Dobunnorum.
Plan of the Proto-Palace |
Turning our attention back to the Fishbourne area and with
our eyes focused to the west, a new masonry building was begun. Dwarfing in
scale the Proto-Palace, it was being built possibly to replace it, but the
construction was never finished. The ground-plan of this building is
incompletely known as the mosaic floors of the later Flavian palace prevented
excavation down to the earlier surface, and the building extends beyond the
south and west limits of the available site. The surviving fragments which were
excavated in the 1960s are of the north-west corner of this structure. I wonder
then, what unexpected situation developed to cause the decision to be taken to
abort this build? Two possible scenarios begin to fester up in my thoughts and
both involve the hand of the Emperor Vespasian. But, of course there are, no
doubt, other explanations that as yet my mind is not conscious of. I decide to
seek out the bust of Vespasian from within the Flavian Palace museum and as my
eyes absorb his solid facial features, my imagination immediately conjures up a
man in possession of a lively and adventurous spirit – but, being a man of a
military background, he would have been aware of his own mortality.
Consequently, after investing and spending money on the restoration of Rome,
after the civil war, with a new forum and public works which included an
upgrade of the public baths, he embarks on a series of classical building
projects. These included the construction of the Flavian amphitheatre, known
today as the Colosseum/Coliseum, the Temple of Peace and the Temple to the
defied Claudius. In 75 AD he erected, although this was begun under Nero, a
colossal statue of Apollo. Vespasian, no doubt realised these projects would
enhance his legacy as a worthy emperor and servant of Rome and his memory would
be ‘engraved in stone’ for many centuries in the foreseeable future. Vespasian,
with his mind at peace with the plans laid out for the rebirth of Rome after
the destruction of the civil war, turned his eyes to the north and took an
inquisitive look at the Imperial Province of Britannia.
In 1723 the ghost of Togidubnus/Cogidubnus appears again,
this time on a piece of Purbeck marble which was found when a cellar was being
constructed on the corner of North Street and Lion Street, in Chichester. The left hand portion of it was missing and
during its recovery it was broken into four pieces. Sadly, its repair using cement, was of poor
workmanship. The fifth line of the inscription on this marble tablet seems to
have presented historians and archaeologists a problem of interpretation of its
true meaning. At the time of its discovery it was interpreted to read that
Togidubnus was granted the title of ‘Legatus Augusti’ (Imperial Legate in
Britain). The alternative interpretation suggests that Togidubnus became not an
‘Imperial Legate’, but ‘Great King in Britain’. This alternative and later
interpretation came to light when the inscription was re-examined by Professor
Bogaers of Nijmegen University, in 1979.
The inscription can be dated to the 1st century
AD by the appearance on it of the name ‘Togidubnus’ (Cogidubnus). But who the
Emperor was at the time of the laying down of this slab is ambiguous, as
Togidubnus could have lived through the reigns of the following Emperors: from
41-54 AD it was Claudius, from 54-68 AD - Nero, from 69-79 AD - Vespasian, from
79-81 AD - Titus and lastly from 81-96 AD - Domitian. Sadly, it seems that the
death of Togidubnus went unrecorded and also, unfortunately, this man’s age is
unknown when the Roman invasion of Britannia took place in 43 AD.
The original
interpretation of the inscription, in 1723, of bestowing Togidubnus as ‘Legatus
Augisti’ (envoy of the Emperor) would have made Togidubnus, as an imperial
Legate, eligible to occupy a seat in the Roman Senate. The giving of this title
to Togidubnus was conceived by the early historians to be within the reign of
the Emperor Vespasian. This assumption raises a number of debateable scenarios.
The bestowing of this title to a client king of an Imperial province would have
been unique as the receiver would usually be a General in the Roman army, and
the men who filled this office as legate were drawn from the senatorial class
of Rome. The post was generally appointed by the Emperor and its receiver was
usually a former Tribune (military).
Taking a practical view, if indeed Vespasian did bestow this
honour upon Togidubnus, as head of provincial administration and chief judicial
officer of the province, but subservient to the authority of Agricola (Consul
and Governor of Britannia, 77-85 AD), it would have been of great benefit to
Agricola himself. Gnaeus Julius Agricola’s military plate was full. The
Ordovices tribe of north Wales needed to be subjugated, as did the Island Mona
(Anglesey). Agricola expanded his military might into Caledonia (Scotland) and
needed to fortify the coast-facing Ireland. There would have been a huge
development of Imperial administration and of local government within these provinces,
and the experience of Togidubnus would have been invaluable. Although his
appointment would have been viewed by many as socially unacceptable, Rome was
in effect being run by a military dictatorship, and this appointment could have
been recognised as Vespasian displaying great vision and power for the
continuation of the Romanisation of Britannia.
Then, in 1979, Professor J E Bogaers published an article in
Volume 10 of Britannia under the heading ‘King Cogidubnus in Chichester:
another reading of RIB 91’ which interpreted line 5 of the inscription as
reading ‘Cogidubnus Great King in Britain’. His interpretation seems to have
been accepted by historians and academics as the true reading and meaning of
the inscription.
If we accept that Togidubnus was never elevated to the rank
of Legatus Augusti, we must search for other explanations as to why the
splendours of the garden and the dignified and cultured architecture were laid
down at Fishbourne. Consequently my mind becomes a flowering bush of
possibilities – each stem leading and then growing in a different direction.
The question that now has to be confronted is – what
evidence is available to be able to date the construction of this magnificent
building which covered an area, including its gardens, of at least 10 acres?
Eighty-six coins were recovered from the site during the 1960s excavations, the
latest coins were of a Vespasian issue and dated to 73 AD. This possibly
suggests that the erection of the palace began soon after this date. Sherds of
decorated samian vessels, excavated on site, were dated within the range of
70-85 AD. Some were comparable to vessels which were excavated at the town of
Pompeii (near modern Naples).
Mosaic comparisons to those found in Italy |
In 79 AD, the volcano known as Vesuvius, vomited up fire,
death and destruction in the form of a pyroclastic flow, a fluidised mass of
rock fragments and gases which buried Pompeii (and Herculaneum), beneath layers of ash and pumice to a depth of
4-6 metres (13-20 feet).Pompeii was frozen in time until it was discovered
in1748. Intriguingly, a number of black and white geometric mosaics were
discovered during the excavations at Pompeii and at Herculaneum. These mosaics
were strikingly similar to those found within the North and West wings of
Fishbourne Roman Palace. These similarities in style, perhaps, suggest that
these black and white mosaic floor designs were the fashion of the time and can
help support the dating of the build at Fishbourne to within a start date of 73
AD, with the finishing touches of the lay out of the Flavian garden at about 80
AD.
Once again my thoughts are drawn towards the hands and mind
of Vespasian as being responsible for aborting the build of the second masonry
building at Fishbourne and, consequently, sowing the seed that would eventually
germinate and flourish to become the largest classical establishment, as yet
discovered, north of the Alps and become known as Fishbourne Roman Palace.
Vespasian, with his legacy of building in Rome, which would hold his name
secure in the country of his birth, perhaps not satisfied, this astute Emperor
also wanted to leave a lasting memory of his rule in the furthest outpost of
the Roman Empire, Britannia.
What followed was possibly a consultation, perhaps in Rome,
between Vespasian, Togidubnus and Vespasians’s chosen architect. They would
have engaged together on the composition and utilisation of the newly planned
construction. It would, therefore, be appropriate if we now delve into excavation
reports of the 1960s and take an inquisitive view of the design and ground plan
of the individual wings of the Palace.
The West Wing |
The Entrance Hall |
The Audience Chamber |
The East Wing |
This wing could possibly also have been used as an
administrative centre of learning for the sons of the tribal elite, for the
legal aspects of roman administration were complex and numerous sensitive
issues regarding individual tribal customs could make the assimilation of Roman
law far from straight forward. This is perhaps confirmed by visits to Britain
from high-regarded lawyers/jurists, such as – Salvius, Liberalis and Iavolenus
Priscus. Latin could have been taught here and much could be learned from
lectures in Roman history and mythology.
The South Wing, with its principal aspect to the south, was
constructed with a terraced garden stretching a distance of 350 feet (106
metres) south from the building to the estuary beyond. It has been assumed that
this wing with its range of rooms would have been the residence of Togidubnus
and his immediate family, all was served with the luxury of a close-by bath
suite. Invited dignitaries could have enjoyed sharing a meal with the Royal Family
with the added visual bonus of a sea view. Sadly, most of this wing is interred
beneath the main A259 road and the houses and gardens that line its southern
side. It can be assumed that most, if not all, rooms would have been paved with
mosaics and with high class interior décor. In 1805, a black and white mosaic
pavement, 13.5 feet (4.1 metres) wide was noticed during building work in the
village, close to the main road.
During its heyday the Roman Palace may have accommodated at
least 70 mosaic floors. Today some of their remains congregate within the North
Wing under its cover building. Waiting to be viewed by the modern visitors is a
collection of black and white geometric and polychrome mosaics. The black and
white geometric mosaics are predominately the 1st century floors of
the North Wing although the ‘Small Cross and Box’ Mosaic is late 2nd
century. This possibly suggests that black and white geometric designs were
still popular at this time. Only one polychrome mosaic was dated to the 1st
century and survives under the title ‘Floral Mosaic’, in Room 20. The other
colourful floors were laid at a later period during the life of the Palace. The
‘Knot’ Mosaic was dated to the early 3rd century. Within the 2nd
century the ‘Shell’ Mosaic, ‘Greek key and Medusa’ Mosaic and the most popular
and well-known mosaic today, ‘Cupid on a Dolphin’, were crafted. Interestingly,
this mosaic floor was lifted for conservation purposes in 1987 and beneath it
appeared the ‘Fortress’ Mosaic, which can now be viewed further down the wing.
Also within the 2nd century the North Wing and the West Wing were
connected by the laying down of a mosaic corridor.
The North Wing was concluded to be a residential range of
rooms. Most prominent were two suites of rooms with their own private
colonnaded courtyards. These courtyards, laid out with shrubs and flowers,
would have created a relaxing, peaceful and personal atmosphere. The archaeology
suggests that these two ranges of rooms were cut off from the main communal
formal garden to the south.
It is the East Wing which would have engulfed most of the
earlier Proto-Palace that stood to the south of the Entrance Hall. It is within
this area that the Bath Suite, although possibly altered in some parts of its
original construction, would have continued in use. It is probable that a range
of rooms would have been added to the older ones of the Proto-Palace, perhaps
to balance up architecturally the known range of eleven rooms to the north of
the Entrance Hall. The northern side of the Entrance Hall contained two colonnaded
courtyards, both probably embellished with bushes, shrubs and with climbing
plants to decorate the bare walls, and to the east of these courtyards stood
the range of rooms. It is possible that a narrow colonnaded courtyard existed
to the south of the Entrance Hall to help retain the necessary symmetry of the
East Wing. At the extreme northern end of this wing stood a building, known as
the Aisled Hall, which measured internally 88 by 66 feet (26.7 by 20 metres).
This massive structure of classical architecture reflects a hall of some
significance. Although the excavations of the 1960s failed to confirm the
presence of any mosaic flooring, quantities of painted wall-plaster were
recognised, mostly of plain red and white, other pieces embraced grey/black,
yellow, pink and streaky green.
The Roman name for Chichester was Noviomagus Regnensium and was seemingly expanding with its civil development
during the construction of the Palace. Around 80 AD an amphitheatre was built,
capable of seating 800 people, at what is now known as Eastgate. Today, in
Tower Road and in situ within the Novium Museum, are the remains of a Roman bath-house. Today Chichester acknowledges its Roman past with four plaques set in pavements carrying the name Noviomagus Reginorum, perhaps meaning 'the new town/market of the proud people'. These plaques are laid close to the sites of the town's four Roman gates, one each in North Street, East Street, South Street and West Street.
The port at Fishbourne would have been constantly busy with
imports for the Romano-British inhabitants. A range of luxury goods including
elegant glass vessels and pottery lamps would have been flooding in from Italy
and Gaul. Galleys would have brought in amphorae, made and filled in Southern
Spain, some containing wine, but most containing olive oil or fish products.
The cross-Channel trade would also have brought in fine tableware (samian) and
various kinds of attractive jewellery. The exports from Fishbourne would have
included grain, cattle, hunting dogs and iron. It is possible that the range of
rooms on the northern side of the East Wing could have been utilised by the
businessmen involved in importing and exporting, for wining and dining and
concluding lucrative deals.
The Aisled Hall |
Tax collectors would possible have inhabited the Aisled
Hall, not just dealing with the business of the port but also administering
local taxes for the benefit of the growth of Noviomagus Regnensium. This huge
building could have served the local population as the main administrative
centre, dealing with legal disputes and people accused of criminal offences. It
has been suggested that there may have been a shrine within this building and
it is possible that the Iron Age Temple on Hayling Island, 15 miles to the
west, was refurbished during this period of expansion. It seems that this
Aisled Hall could only be accessed from outside the Palace grounds.
The
Roman Gardens.
The four wings of the Palace enclosed an area of 258 by 320
feet (78.4 by 97.6 metres), laid out as a formal garden with a number of
features incorporated into its design. The garden had a central pathway which
was 40 feet,(12.2metres) wide running the full length of the garden from the
Entrance Hall(east) to the Audience Chamber(west).Today only the northern half
of the garden survives as the southern half lies beneath the modern road and
houses. This sophisticated visual culture ushered in the thrilling power of
classical architecture combined with a stylized garden. The garden would have
been supplied with piped water serving ornamental basins and fountains which
were set around the pathways. These basins/fountains would have been displayed
against the inner hedgerows, although the spurt of water into the air from the
fountains would have been no more than three to four feet. Other garden décor
may have included stone/marble statues, perhaps of selected Roman deities. The
base of a possible statue can be viewed close to West Wing. The viewing concept
of the garden would have been paramount in the mind of its designer, therefor
not to detract from this, the external face of the West Wing wall was plastered
and then painted with a dark-green background against which boldly drawn
foliage was set. To the upper-class visitor from Italy these gardens would have
been no more than a peaceful place to amble round while chatting with their
friends, but to the local population of the expanding town these gardens would
have been unique.
The West Wing Terrace |
If indeed King
Togidubnus did reside here, on his death all his territory would have been
incorporated into the province, and possibly sold. Perhaps it was purchased by
Tiberius Claudius Catuarus, his personal finger-ring was discovered beyond the
Palace grounds to the east. A replica is on display in the Palace Museum. This
classical building survived, although reduced in size for over two hundred
years. In its final form it was properly an impressive, comfortable and stylish
villa. A new bath suite was constructed in the corridor between the North Wing
and the Aisled Hall. Some of the rooms were redesigned and redecorated, and
several of the geometric black and white mosaics of the first century were
replaced by the more colourful polychrome mosaics which can be viewed today. Around
280-290AD the sun finally set on Fishbourne Roman Palace when it was felled by
the power of fire. It destroyed much of
the North Wing and possibly the northern side of the West Wing, leaving only
the stone walls standing. These stone walls were systematic robbed away to be
used as building material elsewhere. The church in Fishbourne carries some of
the Palace remains .Stone robbing was still in practice during the
thirteenth/fourteenth century as the medieval farmers discovered the Roman
flint footings across the West Wing. In due course the fields were turned over
to pasture creating 9-12 inches (0.2-0.3) meters of top soil. So it came to
pass, that the Palace remains were undisturbed, until they were resurrected one
April day in 1960, when the mouth of a mechanical digger chewed up and spat out
a combination of mosaic flooring and Roman building material during the
construction of a trench for the laying out of a water main. Consequently in
late August during 1968 the Palace remains were laid out for public viewing.
For many months queues of visitors waited patiently to feast their eyes on some
of the very first Roman mosaic floors laid down in the Imperial Province of
Britannia.
This was really useful for my Latin project on Fishbourne palace and Cogidubnus as a client king and adminstrator. Thank you! :)
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